The Fourth Estate's complicity in election fraud

For decades now, the Republican Party has been broadcasting its alarm at the dire threat that electoral fraud poses to American democracy. George W. Bush was (ostensibly) so terrified by the notion that a high-stakes U.S. election might one day be decided by illegitimate means, he had his Justice Department launch a five-year investigation into America’s (wholly hypothetical) voter-fraud epidemic. When that investigation produced “no evidence” of the potential for such an outbreak, Republican state governments insisted that an absence of evidence was not evidence of absence. In their telling, the integrity of American elections was too precious to leave unguarded: If it was so much as possible to imagine fraudulent voters swinging a close race, then the government had an obligation to minimize that risk — even if doing so required adopting voter-ID laws that effectively disenfranchised many nonwhite voters, or punishing Americans who unwittingly cast ballots they aren’t eligible to cast with eight-year prison sentences.

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But so long as an official organ of the Republican Party didn’t openly declare, “We do not actually care about the integrity of elections, but only about insulating our power from popular opposition,” objective news outlets had no choice but to give the GOP the benefit the doubt; they were duty bound to tell both sides of the story.

But now, the North Carolina GOP has openly declared that it does not actually care about the integrity of elections, only about insulating its power from the Tar Heel State’s increasingly Democratic electorate.

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[T]he North Carolina GOP — a party that has insisted that the hypothetical threat of mass in-person voter fraud (of which there is still no evidence) justifies the disenfranchisement of thousands of Tar Heel State residents — has officially announced that it does not believe that overwhelming evidence of mass election fraud in a House race justifies so much as waiting until an investigation into said fraud is finished before certifying the validity of that election’s outcome.

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In fact, the party is actually telling its donors that, by insisting on a full investigation of [McCrae] Dowless’s alleged acts of fraud (including those committed against a sitting Republican congressman in a GOP primary), the Democrats are effectively “stealing the congressional race from Mark Harris.”

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Meanwhile, a few North Carolina Republicans are acknowledging that a GOP operative (ostensibly) committed election fraud in Bladen County — and demanding the state make it harder for people to vote, in response.

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Thus, it seems fair to say that the North Carolina GOP has now confessed that all its rhetoric about voter fraud was delivered in bad faith. And the party is on the cusp of going one step farther: Republicans in North Carolina’s legislature are preparing to (tacitly) cop to the belief that their party is unlikely to command the support of most eligible voters in the coming years — and that they thus must compensate for this disadvantage by manipulating election rules.

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… The bill would require election boards in every county in the state to be chaired by a member of the political party with the highest number of registered voters in odd-numbered years. During even-numbered years, the boards would be chaired by a member of the party with the second-highest number of registered voters.

  NY Magazine

So brilliant. It's like gerrymandering for the election board.

The GOP’s position is, thus, that the branch of government that is controlled by a party that did not receive the most votes should enjoy supremacy over the branch of government controlled by a party that did — because otherwise, Wisconsin will enact policies that Republicans do not like (or, more precisely, that Republican donors do not like — among other things, the state legislature will prevent the incoming attorney general from withdrawing Wisconsin from a lawsuit aimed at eliminating the Affordable Care Act’s protections for people with preexisting conditions, a goal that most Republican voters do not support).

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Given all this, how should a scrupulously objective mainstream media characterize the North Carolina GOP? As a party that has been accused of using disingenuous concerns about voter fraud as an excuse to disenfranchise minority voters (but which strenuously denies those aspersions) — or as a party that indisputably uses disingenuous concerns about voter fraud as an excuse to disenfranchise minority voters? Or, more broadly, as one of two equally legitimate political parties in North Carolina — or as the one party in that state that is demonstrably uncommitted to democratic governance?

For that matter, how should such an objective media describe a national GOP that hasn’t seen fit to condemn any of its North Carolina branch’s activities? What about a national GOP that has also spent the past few days abetting anti-majoritarian power grabs in Wisconsin and Michigan?

In both of those states, Republicans lost the offices of governor and attorney general last month, but retained control of the state legislature, thanks to district maps they had gerrymandered. Now, in lame-duck sessions, said GOP state legislators have attempted to strip various powers from their states’ incoming Democratic officials (including the authority to tighten campaign-finance laws, roll back voter-ID laws, and implement nonpartisan redistricting) and transfer them to the state legislature or to other bodies that Republicans control.

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Republicans have confirmed that they understand their ideological goals are not democratically viable. And by making voter suppression a top legislative priority in (virtually) every state in which they hold power, Republicans have signaled that that they believe that their party would not be politically viable in an America governed by popular sovereignty.

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But the nonpartisan institutions that fancy themselves members of “the Fourth Estate” have, up to this point, refused to describe the modern Republican Party’s relationship to democracy in forthright terms. Still beholden to journalistic conventions established in a less polarized era — when the ambition to deliver news to Democrats and Republicans alike was more plausible and less ethically fraught — America’s leading newspapers and network news broadcasts have spent much of the Trump era straining to balance out the biases of objective reality. In some instances, this has involved bestowing a bizarre degree of editorial attention on the excesses of the campus left and marginal anarchist activists; in others, it’s involved drawing unwarranted distinctions between the illiberalism of Donald Trump and that of the broader GOP.

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In two articles on the extraordinary session in Wisconsin — titled “Stung by Election Losses, Republicans in the States Seek a Way to Neutralize Democrats,” and “Wisconsin Republicans Defiantly ‘Stand Like Bedrock’ in the Face of Democratic Wins” — the New York Times never once used the word “gerrymandering,” nor did it give readers any indication that the fight between the incoming governor and the GOP legislature was, in large part, a fight over whether more authority should be concentrated in an anti-majoritarian body, which gives dramatically more weight to the votes of white Wisconsinites than black ones.

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One of America’s two major parties is steadily abandoning its commitment to the most basic norms of liberal democracy — and the mainstream media is obscuring that reality because it refuses to abandon the norms of “view-from-nowhere” journalism.

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To be sure [...] the New York Times could run front-page headlines like, “For the Republican Party, Oligarchy Is Desirable” every day, and it wouldn’t change the fact that our country’s most-watched cable news network and its largest local news conglomerate are propaganda arms of the GOP; or that many of our constitutionally mandated political institutions award disproportionate power to Republican constituencies; or that the Supreme Court’s reactionary majority appears poised to abet state-level Republican power grabs and voter suppression efforts for a generation.

Still, the Fourth Estate must retain its faith in the relevance of reported truth to American political life, or else forfeit its reason for being.

May already have done.

...but hey, do what you want...you will anyway.